HOMEStrategies for building awareness for the potential of peace education in Cameroon Ben Oru Mforndip
Has Democracy Enhanced Development in Africa? Conrad John Masabo
Permanent Emergency Powers in France: The ‘Law to Strengthen Internal Security and the Fight Against Terrorism’ and the Protection of Human Rights Lena Muhs
Women’s Political Representation in Sri Lanka: Leading towards Prosperity or Peril Pujika Rathnayake
On the Migrant Crisis Daniel Bagheri Sarvestani
Inclusive Transitional Justice through Truth Commissions: A Book Review Amos Izerimana
RECENT ARTICLES Was it permissible for The United Nations to authorize humanitarian intervention in the post-election conflict in Cote d’ivoire? Dramane Ouattara
Reflections of Refugees in Africa Wyclife Ong'eta Mose
Challenges and prospects of AU to implement the Ezulwini Consensus: The case of collective security and the use of force Tunamsifu Shirambere Philippe
The Right to Food Shant Melkonian
Freedom of Expression Under Threat in Zambia Mariateresa Garrido
Douglas Janoff on LGBTQIA Human Rights Luciana Téllez
Common Things: Communication, Community, Communal Peacebuilding Lina Patricia Forero Martínez
Lack of empathy as a threat to peace Victoria Scheyer
The death of democracy in Honduras Daniel Bagheri S.
Water Security in the Sixaola River Basin Adrián Martinez Blanco and Diana Ubico Durán
Reborn Arunima Chouguley
An Open Letter to the American People: Political Responsibility in the Nuclear Age Richard Falk, David Krieger, and Robert Laney
Analysis Archive »
The Mizrahi - Palestinian Connection, Part I
August 18, 2005
Scholarly analysis of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has depicted it as a conflict between two homogenous entities, namely Israel and the Palestinians. However, scholars largely ignore the impact of the "inner-Israeli" conflict between Mizrahim and Ashkenazim on the "external" conflict between Israelis and Palestinians. Not only are the Mizrahim excluded from the peace process itself, but academics also fail to research the role they play in the conflict, while their occasional public role is that of extremely right-wing "Arab-haters" who prevent the Ashkenazi-dominated "liberal peace camp" from reaching a solution– hence they are portrayed as an obstacle to peace .
This is the first part of a three-part study.
Scholarly analysis of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has depicted it as a conflict between two homogenous entities, namely
Yet during my years facilitating dialogue groups between Israeli and Palestinian youth, this assertion was shattered. I have noticed time and again how Mizrahi participants connected with Palestinians and created friendships, despite the fact that they usually held more right-wing views than those of the Ashkenazi participants. The Ashkenazi, on the other hand, often acted in a patronizing and distant manner towards Palestinians. Being a half-Mizrahi myself, my interest in the subject has increased.
This paper embodies some of the realizations I have reached in a process of becoming aware of the oppression that has been exerted on my own family and myself. In this journey, I have been exposed to writings of others who shared the same experiences and whose work has been acknowledged only recently. Even today it is marginalized in the mainstream academic curriculum.
First I will describe the historical relationship between the Mizrahim and Zionism, and the concomitant uses of structural, cultural and direct violence toward the Mizrahim. Then I will analyze what comprises the various Mizrahi identities as a reaction to that encounter and illustrate the relevance of those two themes to the linkage between the two groups. Finally, I will demonstrate how those issues are reflected in the public discourse surrounding the struggle of Tali Fahima. For this study I have used scholarly literature, as well as articles published on the internet and electronic feedback to those articles.
The topic, the methodology and the inclusion of many quotes are in accordance with the aims I hope to achieve: First, to "give voice to the voiceless"– to bring the Mizrahim to the stage's front as active actors. Second, to give voice to erased histories, silenced contingencies of Mizrahi-Palestinian cooperation and marginalized struggles. Third, to provide critical approach to the understanding of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by showing the common denominator between the Mizrahim and the Palestinians– coping with the same Euro-Zionist super-narrative– and by looking at it through a lens that has often been obscured. I maintain this perspective adds an important dimension to the understanding of the conflict and hence impacts the way the conflict should be managed.
"I was disillusioned at what I found in the Promised Land, disillusioned at the institutionalized racism. The principal interest
Jews have been living for thousands of years in Arab countries in relative peace. By and large, they have been well integrated into Muslim society. Jews held senior public positions in various Arab countries; in
 Giladi. N, p.4. Giladi is an Iraqi Jew who immigrated to
 For instance, the finance ministers of
 For example, the Sephardic community established schools where Jews, Muslims and Christians all attended. See Tamari.
 Elyachar, p. 59-60.
 Segev, p. 96. In
 Shohat 2003.
Sharon Komash holds a Master's in International Peace Studies from the University of Peace.